Nordic Atlas of Language Structures (NALS) Journal,
Vol 1
Copyright © J. B. Johannessen 2014
Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0
License
Left dislocation in main and subordinate clauses
Janne Bondi Johannessen
University of Oslo
1. Introduction
Left dislocation is a common feature
in the Nordic languages. In main clauses, a lexical noun phrase is positioned
in a dislocated position in the left periphery, while a pronoun occurs in the
clause-internal, prefield position, i.e., in the
position preceding the finite verb. This is described by Faarlund
et al (1997:904-5) for Norwegian, Teleman et al (1999
4:440–447) for Swedish and Hansen and Heltoft
(2011:1828) for Danish.
(1) |
Ibsen |
han |
var |
ein |
stor |
dramatikar |
(Norwegian) |
|
Ibsen |
he |
was |
a |
great |
playwright |
|
|
‘Ibsen was a great playwright.’ (Faarlund
et al. 1997:904) |
(2) |
Ja |
Oslo |
det |
er |
en |
dejlig |
by |
(Danish) |
|
yes |
Oslo |
it |
is |
a |
nice |
town |
|
|
‘Yes, Oslo is a nice town.’ (Hansen and Heltoft 2011:1828) |
(3) |
Johan, |
han |
är |
bra |
komisk |
ibland. |
(Swedish) |
|
Johan |
he |
is |
good |
comic |
sometimes |
|
|
‘Johan is very comic sometimes.’ (Teleman et al 1999 4:440) |
In Danish, this type of left dislocation can also occur in subordinate
clauses – the “neutral sentence model”, according to Hansen and Heltoft (2011:1828). They say that the subject can be extraposed so that it occurs just after the subjunction and before the subject position. This is
exemplified in (4).
(4) |
Ved |
du |
om |
Merete |
hun |
kommer |
med |
(Danish) |
|
Know |
you |
whether |
Merete |
she |
comes |
with |
|
|
‘Do you know whether Merete will come?’ (Hansen and Heltoft 2011:1828) |
Hansen and Heltoft (2011:1830) further say that pronouns cannot
themselves be left dislocated, so that (5) is ungrammatical:
(5) |
De0 |
de |
afleverer |
alltid |
til |
tiden |
(Danish) |
|
they |
they |
deliver |
always |
to |
time.DEF |
|
|
‘They always deliver on time.’ (Hansen and Heltoft 2011:1830) |
Teleman et al (1999 4:447) point out that
this type of dislocation occurs in certain subordinate clauses, as in the
authentic example from spoken language in (6).
Elisabet Engdahl (p.c.), who has provided the example in (6) points out
that the subordinate clause has main clause word order, with the negation
following the finite verb. This seems to be necessary in this construction,
since (7) is ungrammatical.
(6) |
Jag |
har |
en |
känsla |
av |
att |
ungdomarna |
nu |
för |
tiden |
(Swedish) |
|
I |
have |
a |
feeling |
of |
that |
youths.pl.def. |
now |
for |
time.def |
|
|
dom |
vill |
inte |
så |
gärna |
berätta |
om |
vad |
... |
|
|
|
they |
wil |
not |
so |
rather |
tell |
about |
what |
... |
|
|
|
‘I have a feeling that youths nowadays do not want to
tell about what ...’ (Teleman et al 1999 4:447) |
(7) |
* Jag |
har |
en |
känsla |
av |
att |
ungdomarna |
nu |
för |
tiden |
(Swedish) |
|
|
I |
have |
a |
feeling |
of |
that |
youths.pl.def. |
now |
for |
time.def |
|
|
|
dom |
inte |
vill |
så |
gärna |
berätta |
om |
vad |
... |
|
||
|
they |
not |
wil |
so |
rather |
tell |
about |
what |
... |
|
||
|
‘I have a feeling that youths nowadays do not want
to tell about what ...’ (Elisabet Engdahl, p.c.) |
2. Results
2.1 Nordic Syntax Database
Since it is generally acknowledged
that left dislocation in main clauses exists in all the Nordic languages, this
was not tested in the ScanDiaSyn survey. However,
left dislocation in subordinate clauses was tested. Sentence (8) containing a
sentence with left dislocation in a subordinate polarity question clause, and
(9) containing a subordinate clause with a lexical noun as subject were tested
in Norway and Sweden. The results are
shown on maps 1 and 2.
(8) |
Han |
ville |
vite |
om |
bussen |
den |
stopper |
før |
motorvegen |
(#272)
(Norwegian) |
|
he |
wanted |
know |
whether |
bus.DEF |
it |
stops |
before |
motorway.DEF |
|
|
‘He wanted to know if the bus stops before the motor
way.’ |
(9) |
Han |
ville |
vite |
om |
bussen |
stopper |
før |
motorvegen |
(#1203)
(Norwegian) |
|
He |
wanted |
know |
whether |
bus.DEF |
stops |
before |
motorway.DEF |
|
|
‘He wanted to know if the bus stops before the motor
way.’ |
Map 1: Left dislocation in
subordinate clauses.
(#272: Han ville vite om bussen den
stopper før motorvegen. ‘He wanted to
know if the bus stops before the motorway.’)
(black= low score)
Map 2: Lexical items in the prefield position
in subordinate clauses.
(#1203:Han
ville vite om bussen stopper før motorvegen. ‘He wanted to know if the bus stops before the motorway.’)
(White=high score; black = low score)
The maps show very clear results. In
Norwegian and Swedish, independently of dialect, a lexical noun phrase in the
subject position of the subordinate clause is fine. However, there is no place
for a dislocated phrase to its left. The survey was not performed in Denmark, nor in Iceland or the Faroe Islands. I will supplement the
survey with data from the Nordic Dialect Corpus.
3. Discussion
3.1. Introduction
Hansen and Heltoft
(2011) give examples of left dislocation in subordinate clauses, as we saw in
section 1. They say nothing, however, about the frequency of dislocated
structures, or about any dialectal differences. Jørgensen
(2008:2.3), however, in a web-based information site for dialectologists, says
about the West Jutlandic dialects that those
sentences where the constituent in the prefield is
purely pronominal seem most natural. If a heavier constituent is desired at the
front, it should be put in the extraposition and be
repeated pronominally.[1] Jørgensen (2000:105) takes a broader view, and says about
spoken language generally that the prefield does not
accept anything but pronouns, and that sentences without left dislocation (but
with a lexical noun phrase) would sound artificial in informal speech. Hansen (1967) also mentions such
constructions. We will take a closer look at Danish first, and then the other
Nordic languages.
3.2. Data from the Nordic Dialect Corpus
3.2.1 Danish
For the topic in this paper, it is
vital to be able to test natural, spoken data. The Nordic Dialect Corpus is
very useful for this purpose, since it contains a lot of informal dialogue, and
since it is grammatically tagged and easy to search in. Starting with Denmark,
I will test constructions left dislocation as well as lexical items in the prefield in both main and subordinate clauses. I start with
testing Hansen and Heltoft’s (2011:1828) claim that
left dislocation can occur in subordinate clauses. This is interesting because
the Syntax Database reveals that this construction is rejected in Swedish and
Norwegian. The corpus is morphologically tagged, but not syntactically, so I
have chosen not to look for complex noun phrases, but only simple nouns. A
basic search for subjunction + noun + pronoun should
give us examples of the desired construction, if it exists. The results of the
search show that this construction can indeed be found in Danish; there are 36
proper hits (after irrelevant hits have been removed). The hits are from all
over Denmark, so there seems to be no dialectal differences here. The
construction has been found in Århus, Ærø, Als, Bornholm, Falster, Fyn,
Harboøre, Copenhagen, North Jutland, East Jutland, Sevel, Zealand, Spjald, Thorminde and West Jutland (the areas mentioned –Jutland
and Zealand – represent individual places not further specified in the national
Danish DanDiaSyn project; many of the other places in
the list are also in Jutland and Zealand).
In (10) I present some examples of the subordinate left dislocation.
(10) |
a. |
Når |
mor |
hun |
var |
færdig |
med |
at |
vaske |
op |
(Danish) |
|
|
when |
mother |
she |
was |
finished |
with |
to |
wash |
up |
|
|
|
‘When mother had finished doing the washing up.’
(thorsminde_67) |
|
b. |
... |
for |
at |
folk |
de |
vil |
handle |
der |
(Danish) |
|
|
|
for |
that |
people |
they |
will |
shop |
there |
|
|
|
‘in order that people will
want to shop there.’ (fyn6) |
c. |
... |
da |
Svendsen |
han |
kom |
med |
mig |
(Danish) |
|
|
|
|
when |
Svendsen |
he |
came |
with |
me |
|
|
|
‘when Svendsen
came with me.’ (sjaelland6) |
d. |
... |
når |
dyrlægen |
han |
holder |
nede |
(Danish) |
|
|
|
|
when |
veterinary.DEF |
he |
holds |
down |
|
|
|
‘when the vet stays down.’
(aeroe1) |
e. |
... |
fordi |
at |
turister |
de |
elsker |
jo |
sol |
og |
varme |
(Danish) |
|
|
|
|
because |
that |
tourists |
they |
love |
yes |
sun |
and |
heat |
|
|
|
‘because tourists of course
love sun and warm weather.’ (bornholm3) |
f. |
... |
inden |
muren |
den |
blev |
væltet |
(Danish) |
|
|
|
|
before |
wall.DEF |
it |
was |
tilted |
|
|
|
‘before the wall was torn
down.’ (falster8) |
There is definitely, then, left dislocation in subordinate clauses in
Danish. There are hits from all across the country. It is also important to
point out that it seems that any kind of subjunction
can introduce the subordinate clause. This is surprising given that main clause
word order in subordinate clauses is usually restricted to clauses introduced
by at/att
‘that’. This is very different from the situation in some of the other Nordic
languages, as we shall see below. While
Hansen and Heltoft (2011) say nothing about the
frequency of the left dislocation, Jørgensen (2000
and 2008) says that it would sound artificial not to have left dislocation.
However, a search for subjunction + noun + verb –
i.e., for subordinate clauses without left dislocation – yield 83 proper hits
(as against 36 with dislocation). This means that there are more hits without
than with dislocation, thus showing a result somewhat different from Jørgensen’s claims. Again, the examples are from all over
Denmark: Århus, Ærø, Als, Bornholm, Falster, Fyn, København, North Jutland, East Jutland, Sevel,
Zealand, Thorsminde, West Jutland. I provide two
examples of subordinate clauses without left dislocation:
(11) |
a. |
det |
var |
ikke |
før |
muren |
falt |
de |
fik |
lov |
til |
at |
rejse |
(Danish) |
|
|
it |
was |
not |
until |
wall.DEF |
fell |
they |
got |
allowed |
to |
to |
travel |
|
|
|
‘It wasn’t until the wall came down that they were
allowed to travel.’ (oestjylland5) |
b. |
... |
at |
konerne |
stod |
i |
døren |
og |
græd |
(Danish) |
|
|
|
... |
that |
women.DEF |
stood |
in |
door.DEF |
and |
cried |
|
|
|
‘...that the women stood in the door and cried.’
(sjælland6) |
Left dislocation in main clauses is well-known, as said in section 1.
Searching for noun[segment start] + pronoun in the Danish
part of the corpus gives 22 proper hits, from across Denmark: Århus, Ærø, Bornholm, Falster, Harboøre, North Jutland, East Jutland, Spjald
and Thorsminde. Some examples are provided:
(12) |
a. |
pigen |
hun |
var |
meget |
syg |
(Danish) |
|
|
|
girl.DEF |
she |
was |
very |
ill |
|
|
|
|
‘The girl was very ill.’ (aarhus5) |
||||||
b. |
forretningerne |
de |
lukker |
jo |
ikke |
(Danish) |
||
|
|
shops.DEF |
they |
close |
yes |
not |
|
|
|
|
‘The shops don’t close of course.’ (falster4) |
There are also examples without left dislocation. Actually, the search
for “Segment start” + noun + verb gives more hits: 52 proper ones. Again, they come
from across Denmark, but it seems that Zealand is much better represented now,
as 21 of the hits are from Zealand and Copenhagen. This could mean that there
is a difference between Zealand and the rest of Denmark. More research is
needed to be conclusive here. I provide two examples.
(13) |
a. |
østerbro |
er |
nok |
rimelig |
forskånet |
(Danish) |
||
|
|
Østerbro |
is |
probably |
quite |
protected |
|
||
|
|
‘Østerbro is probably
quite protected.’ (kbh4) |
|||||||
b. |
storebror |
blev |
gift |
med |
min |
søster |
(Danish) |
||
|
|
big brother |
became |
married |
with |
my |
sister |
|
|
|
|
‘The older brother got married to my sister.’
(thorsminde_67) |
|||||||
3.2.2 The other Nordic languages: Norwegian, Swedish, Faroese and Icelandic
Left dislocation in main clauses is
mentioned in the reference grammars and is attested in the Nordic Dialect
Corpus, exemplified in (14).
(14) |
a. |
Fia |
hun |
skal |
jo |
selge |
Passaten |
sin |
(Norwegian) |
|||||||||
|
|
Fia |
she |
shall |
yes |
sell |
Pasat.DEF |
her |
|
|||||||||
|
|
Fia is of course
going to sell her Passat.’ (alvdal_02uk) |
||||||||||||||||
b. |
kompisen |
han |
ha |
en |
stuga |
på |
en |
holme |
(Swedish) |
|||||||||
|
|
mate.DEF |
he |
had |
a |
cottage |
on |
an |
island |
|
||||||||
|
|
‘The mate had a cottage on an island.’
(arjeplog_om1) |
||||||||||||||||
c. |
fisk |
tað |
burdu |
vit |
snakka |
um |
(Faroese) |
|||||||||||
|
|
fish |
that |
ought |
we |
talk |
about |
|
||||||||||
|
|
‘Fish, we ought to talk about.’ (klaksvik_k32) |
||||||||||||||||
d. |
Thailand |
það |
er |
nú |
bara |
mjög |
ódýrt |
(Icelandic) |
||||||||||
|
|
Thailand |
that |
is |
now |
only |
very |
cheap |
|
|||||||||
|
|
‘Thailand is just very cheap.’ (Iceland_b1) |
||||||||||||||||
We do, however, also find left dislocation in subordinated clauses in the
other Nordic languages. In these, however, unlike Danish, we only find left
dislocation in at/att
‘that’-clauses, which are already known for allowing main clause word order in
certain semantic contexts. Consider (15), which exemplifies Norwegian, Swedish
and Faroese:
(15) |
a. |
... |
at |
årene |
de |
lå |
vrangveien |
(Norwegian) |
|
|
|
... |
that |
oars.DEF |
they |
lay |
wrong.way.DEF |
|
|
|
|
‘...that the oars lay the wrong way.’
(andoeya_ma_04) |
|||||||
b. |
... |
att |
flickorna |
de |
hade |
medhåll |
(Swedish) |
||
|
|
... |
that |
girls.DEF |
they |
had |
acceptance |
|
|
|
|
‘...that the girls were taken to be right.’
(jamshog_ow1) |
|||||||
c. |
... |
at |
konan |
hon |
fór |
at |
lesa |
(Faroese) |
|
|
|
... |
that |
wife.DEF |
she |
started |
to |
study |
|
|
|
‘...that my wife started to study.’ (klaksvik_k7) |
There is no example of subordinate left dislocation in Icelandic.
However, this well may be due to the very small size of the Icelandic part of
the corpus (23 000 words in total, as compared to, for example, the 62 000 in
the Faroese part and the 211 000 in the Danish part). One must assume, however,
that there is left dislocation in Icelandic subordinate clauses. Vikner (1995) indeed suggested that Icelandic is a general embedded V2 language, as against
the rest of the Nordic languages, called limited
embedded V2 languages. Notice that while the Danish subordinate clauses can
occur with any kind of subjunction in subordinate
left dislocation, Norwegian, Swedish and Faroese only occur with the
semantically neutral subjunction at/att ‘that’. It is exactly this subjunction that is generally accepted with the limited V2
languages, or rather, there are some (semantically defined) predicates that
accompany this particular subjunction and allows
embedded V2 word order (Julien 2007, Bentzen
2014). This points to a sharp difference between
Danish and the other languages. Whether this difference is accompanied by other
systematic differences in the embedded clause structure remains an open
question.
4. Conclusion
Left dislocation is a well-known
feature of the Nordic languages. However, it is only the Danish reference
grammar (Heltoft and Hansen 2011) that mentions
explicitly the possibility of left dislocation in embedded clauses. In Teleman et al (1999) it is, admittedly, mentioned, but only
in a footnote. Jørgensen (2000) even says that
sentences without left dislocation would sound artificial. Indeed, the Nordic
Syntax Database shows clearly that for Swedish and Norwegian, left dislocation
in subordinate clauses is not acceptable amongst the informants. Looking then
at the Nordic Dialect Corpus, it is clear that left dislocation is a very
frequent phenomenon in Danish, supporting the general views taken by Jørgensen (2000, 2008), although the quantitative
measurements show that utterances without left dislocation are somewhat more
frequent, thus contradicting the claim about artificiality in Jørgensen (2000).
There are 36 examples of embedded left dislocation (subjunction + noun + pronoun) in Danish, but also
83 examples without embedded left dislocation. Examples of embedded left
dislocation in the Nordic languages Norwegian, Swedish and Faroese can be found
in the dialogues in the Nordic Dialect Corpus, but only with the subjunction at/att ‘that’. There are no examples of Icelandic embedded
left dislocation there (at the beginning of 2013).
As expected,
left dislocation in main clauses is found in all the Nordic languages. There
are indeed many in Danish, supporting Jørgensen’s
general impression. 22 proper hits followed the general search pattern
(“Segment start” + noun + pronoun), as against 52 without dislocation. Although
left dislocation is also common in the other languages, the impression, without
counting, is that Danish is in a league of its own.
References
Bentzen, Kristine. 2014. Embedded
Verb Second (V2). Nordic
Atlas of Language Structures (NALS). http://www.tekstlab.uio.no/nals#/chapter/10.
Faarlund,
Jan Terje, Svein Lie og Kjell Ivar Vannebo. 1997. Norsk referansegrammatikk. Universitetsforlaget, Oslo.
Hansen, Erik og Lars Heltoft. 2011. Grammatik over det
Danske Sprog. Det Danske Sprog-
og Litteraturselskab, København.
Hansen, Aage. 1967. Moderne dansk. Vol. 1. Grafisk Forlag,
Copenhagen, p. 81-3 og 145.
Julien, Marit. 2007.
Embedded V2 in Norwegian and Swedish. Working Papers in
Scandinavian Syntax. Volume: 80, Department of Scandinavian Languages, Pages: 103-161
Jørgensen, Henrik. 2000. Indføring I Dansk Syntaks.
3. foreløbige utgave. Aarhus Universitet.
Jørgensen, Henrik. 2008. Faglige informationer. Webside for NORMS-ekskursion til Vestjylland 7.-11. januar 2008. http://www.hum.au.dk/dandiasyn/vestjyl-faglig.htm
Teleman, Ulf, Staffan
Hellberg and Erik Andersson. 1999. Svenska
Akademiens Grammatik. Stockholm:
Norstedts.
Vikner, Sten. 1995. Verb Movement and Expletive Subjects in the Germanic Languages. New
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Web sites:
Nordic Atlas of Language
Structures (NALS) Journal: http://tekstlab.uio.no/nals
Nordic Dialect Corpus: http://www.tekstlab.uio.no/nota/scandiasyn/index.html
Nordic Syntax Database: http://www.tekstlab.uio.no/nota/scandiasyn/index.html
[1] Translated by JBJ from Danish: “Sætninger
virker naturligst i talesproget hvis leddet i fundamentfeltet/CPspec er rent
pronominalt. Hvis man gerne vil have et tungere led forrest, skal det stå i
ekstraposition og genoptages pronominalt”.